The current formator, David Leisterh (MR-french speaking liberal party), has been unable to form a regional government, leaving the region in a situation of precarious governance coupled with a financial situation that is worsening by the day. Brussels is facing a political impasse due to linguistic and ideological divisions between the French-speaking and Dutch-speaking parties. Politicians’ egos, the search for the « stinking valet »…: is all this compatible with good governance? 

The idea of a ‘European district’ for Brussels is not new, but if von der Leyen decided to impose it, it could offer several potential advantages. European funds could be used to improve transport infrastructure, thereby reducing urban congestion. Brussels would become an even more attractive hub for businesses and cultural organisations, simplifying administration for international residents and workers. Greater security would benefit this diplomatically crucial area, and the city-region could embody a model of sustainable urban development.

However, there could be many challenges and resistance to this proposal. Belgium could see this as a loss of control over its capital, requiring complex amendments to the European treaties. The balance of power between the EU and local governance would have to be carefully managed to ensure that local voices are not drowned out. It would nevertheless be a fine case of the multi-level governance so much advocated by European bodies such as the Committee of the Regions. On the other hand, funding such a project would raise questions of equity, and there would potentially be political opposition within Belgium and across Europe. Social integration could also be put to the test, with a risk of exacerbating cultural tensions.

In the current context, it is complicated to ask the opinion of the different political parties, whether they are French-speaking or Dutch-speaking. In any case, the governance of such a European district would require a mixed administration, combining local and European governance, with a commission where all levels of power would be represented. A direct European authority would be needed for issues of security, European infrastructure and specific urban planning, while ensuring local participation. Legislation would need to coordinate Belgian and European frameworks to avoid conflicts, and funding would be shared between the EU and Belgium, with specific funds for European projects.

Governance challenges include striking a balance between Belgian souverainty and European influence, ensuring the democratic representation of Brussels residents, adapting legislative frameworks, coordinating between Brussels-based institutions, and managing potential conflicts.

If von der Leyen chooses to impose this district, she would be navigating stormy political waters, requiring agreement between the EU, Belgium, and potentially the approval of other Member States. Such action would be seen as a major intervention by the EU in Belgian governance, putting the principles of subsidiarity and national souverainty to the test. 

In conclusion, although the idea of a European district for Brussels could solve some of the region’s concrete and current problems, it raises many questions about democracy, sovereignty and the future of European integration. The fear that von der Leyen could impose such a reform may well bring Belgian politicians back to reality, encouraging them to move away from ego battles and focus on forming a functional government and consensus to govern Brussels in the interests of all its residents. Perhaps that’s the most important thing: getting everyone around the negotiating table, isn’t it? 

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The importance of narratives and the need to overcome ‘narrative traps

From the outset, Stahl emphasises the importance of narratives in the perception of China. Drawing on the work of Robert Shiller, he explains how narratives – a mixture of facts and emotions – can influence behaviour and political decisions, and how biased narratives can become harmful ‘thought viruses’. He warns against the polarisation of opinions, exacerbated by social networks, geopolitical tensions and technological transformations. The author urges us to look beyond simplistic visions of China as either a threat or an ideal partner, highlighting the complexity of Chinese society and the diversity of viewpoints even within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

A Chinese society in the throes of transformation

The book explores China’s transformation from a ‘workshop of the world’ to a centre of technology and innovation. Concrete examples such as the city of Shenzhen, Deng Xiaoping’s policy of openness, and the emergence of companies such as Huawei illustrate this evolution. Stahl describes a multi-faceted Chinese society, where elements of socialism and the market economy, ancestral traditions and modernity coexist. He also discusses the challenges facing the country, such as social inequality, the urban-rural divide and environmental problems.

The role of the Communist Party and the five-year plans

China’s political system is presented in all its complexity. While the CCP plays a central role, the author emphasises that the legitimacy of the government is measured not only by the way it comes to power (entry legitimacy), but also by its ability to produce satisfactory results for the population (exit legitimacy). The five-year plans are no longer a rigid planning of the economy, but a tool for coordinating public policies. The author mentions the country’s fiscal decentralisation, with local authorities managing a significant proportion of public spending.

China in the world: influence and ambitions

China has become a major player on the international stage, investing massively in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The New Silk Roads Initiative (OBOR) is presented as an ambitious geopolitical and economic project, aimed at linking China to the rest of the world through infrastructure. Stahl explains how China is seeking to develop its influence through the dissemination of its culture, cinema and values. He highlights the development of the Chinese internet under an ‘electronic wall’ which has encouraged the growth of national companies, but which has also been criticised as a censorship measure.

Economic, technological and social issues

The book explores the economic and technological challenges posed by China’s rise to power. The author highlights the country’s growing role in innovation, particularly in patents, space, 5G and the digital economy. He also examines the ‘dual circuit’ policies that aim to strengthen both the autonomy of the national economy and its participation in the global economy. Stahl also looks at environmental challenges and China’s efforts to achieve carbon neutrality. The state of the property market and the hukou system are also discussed, highlighting the inequalities and social tensions they engender.

Europe faces up to the challenges

Stahl calls on the European Union to define a new strategy vis-à-vis China, taking into account the complexity of relations and the geopolitical issues at stake. He stresses the need to defend effective multilateralism and the role of the United Nations in the management of international affairs. The author invites the EU to favour constructive dialogue with China, avoiding a confrontational approach and promoting cooperation on global challenges such as climate change. He stresses that the EU’s values, such as human dignity, peace and democracy, must guide its foreign policy.

A call for international cooperation

In conclusion, ‘China: Dangerous Rival or Cooperative Partner?’ is an invitation to reflection and action. The author calls for greater international cooperation to tackle global challenges such as climate change and underdevelopment. He warns against simplifications and ‘narrative traps’, and calls for a pragmatic and balanced approach to EU-China relations. The book makes a valuable contribution to the debate on the future of Sino-European relations, offering rigorous analysis and pertinent recommendations.

Gerhard Stahl’s book is an essential tool for anyone intending to understand the issues surrounding China and contribute to building a more balanced and cooperative world.

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The European Semester, an instrument for coordinating the economic and social policies of EU Member States, has seen its influence grow over the years. It has become the EU’s main policy framework, guiding investment and reform priorities for each Member State. However, despite its growing impact on national policies, this process remains largely unknown to the public and to local and regional stakeholders. The CEMR report highlights a major paradox: while the recommendations of the European Semester often concern the competences of sub-national governments, the latter are rarely consulted or involved in the decision-making process.

National recommendations with local consequences

Initially conceived as an economic tool, the European Semester has expanded to encompass areas such as fiscal policy, employment and sustainable development. The resulting country-specific recommendations (CSRs) can cover a wide range of areas, often falling within the remit of local and regional authorities. They include issues such as the state of public finances, the pension system reform, Education and innovation, Employment measures, the implementation of cohesion policy and the recovery plan, the Green and energy transition.

A centralised process that ignores the local realities

Despite the direct or indirect impact of the European Semester on local and regional governments, they are generally not consulted when recommendations are drawn up. This lack of involvement is all the more problematic given that local and regional authorities are often on the front line when it comes to implementing public policies. Their skills and resources are directly affected by decisions taken at European level, whether in terms of investment in the energy transition, employment policies or public services.

Concrete examples of lack of coordination

Several case studies show the consequences of this lack of dialogue between levels of governance:

• In Spain, the national government used the recommendations of the European Semester to include a budget surplus for local authorities in its own budget, without prior consultation.
• In Germany, European directives led to the exclusion of broadband infrastructure projects from cohesion funds, without any consultation with the local authorities concerned.
• In Austria, recommendations on limiting public spending have a direct impact on local budgets, without local authorities having been able to express their point of view.
• In Belgium, risks have been identified by associations of local authorities concerning potential savings that could be made on their allocations by the federal and regional levels, without consultation.
• In the Czech Republic, the lack of coordination between the European Union, the national government and local authorities has an impact on the ability of the latter to benefit from European funds, particularly small municipalities.

Clear demands for greater involvement

The CEMR report stresses the urgent need to reform the European Semester to ensure that local and regional authorities are better taken into account. The CEMR makes a number of recommendations, including

• Recognition of the essential role of local and regional authorities by the European institutions.
• Systematic consultation of local and regional government representatives in the validation of country-specific recommendations and in the preparation of national reform programmes.
• Establishment of regular exchange of experiences on the impact of investments and reforms resulting from the European Semester.
• Integration of territorial and governance impact assessments in the country reports, analysing the different levels of government involved in implementation.
• Taking account of the competences and resources of sub-national governments when defining objectives and proposed measures.
• Promotion of fiscal decentralisation and financial autonomy for local authorities.
• Introduction of a « golden rule ’ to preserve and encourage local and regional public investment in the long term.

Through this very practical approach, illustrated with concrete examples, this report shows that the European Semester, in its current form, is a centralised process that too often ignores the reality and specificities of the territories. It is crucial to rethink the way it works, so that local and regional authorities are seen as partners in their own right, and not simply as implementing decisions taken in the European bubble in Brussels and the national capitals. A multi-level approach and enhanced dialogue are essential to ensure the effectiveness and relevance of European public policies, and to respond to the challenges that European citizens face on a daily basis. The recommendations made by the CEMR offer a roadmap for achieving more inclusive and effective European governance.

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On Sunday, vaccinations were carried out in Italy, Spain, France, Poland, Austria, Croatia, and Greece.

Other EU countries including Portugal, Germany, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Lithuania began vaccinating their populations on Saturday.

In Belgium and Luxembourg, vaccinations will start tomorrow, December 28.

Non-EU countries including the UK, Switzerland, and Serbia have already launched their vaccination campaigns.

The EU has so far secured over two billion doses of vaccines for its 450 million citizens and residents.

Priority access to vaccines will go to healthcare workers, people over 60 years of age, those whose state of health makes them particularly at risk, and essential workers outside the health sector.

Other priority groups include workers who cannot socially distance, vulnerable socio-economic groups, and other groups at higher risk.

Meanwhile, a new and more contagious variant of the coronavirus continues manifesting in Europe and around the world.

First identified in the UK, the new variant has appeared in other European countries including the Netherlands, France, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland.

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If the two small Western Balkan states have been disappointed time and again by EU leaders’ repeated postponement of talks, this time they are hoping for a breakthrough in progress towards membership.

Four outgoing and incoming EU presidents have taken the unusual step of personally urging European governments to open negotiations.

“The European Union stands before a strategic choice. Whether the EU decides now to open accession talks with North Macedonia and Albania is a test of the Union’s ability to deliver on its promises and look to the future,” states an open letter from European Parliament President David Sassoli, retiring Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and Council President Donald Tusk, and Commission President-elect Ursula von der Leyen.

“North Macedonia and Albania did what we asked them to do,” declare the leaders, acknowledging however that “there will be a lot of hard work on reforms along the way. »

“We believe that now is the time to open accession talks with both countries,” they conclude.

The move was welcomed by Albania’s acting Foreign Minister Gent Cakaj. “A very rightful and encouraging message for a positive decision of the EU Council,” he tweeted, thanking the signatories for their “leadership and strategic wisdom”.

Enlargement Commissioner Johannes Hahn also welcomed the leaders’ “strong stance for opening accession negotiations with both countries in October”, saying that recognising efforts made by the candidates was key to the EU’s credibility. “North Macedonia and Albania have delivered – now it’s high time that Member States deliver too!”

North Macedonia has had candidate status since 2005, but until 2018 was blocked by the lengthy ‘name dispute’ with its Greek neighbour. Albania became a candidate in June 2014, having applied for EU membership in 2009. Since 2018, the Commission has twice recommended opening talks, but each time the Council put a decision on hold.

Countries like France and the Netherlands have been particularly reluctant to take steps towards further EU enlargement. But in a hopeful sign for the two candidates, the German Bundestag last month voted to launch negotiations.

In a subsequent draft proposal for the upcoming General Affairs Council, the Finnish EU Presidency unconditionally recommended opening accession talks. In the case of Albania, it highlighted progress in achieving reforms. However, that is not the end of the story. The draft is expected to undergo changes, for example, because Germany has added new conditions to be met in advance of the 1st intergovernmental conference – due to be held later this year – and to be included in the negotiating framework. They call on Albania to demonstrate a track record in fighting corruption and organised crime, including the prosecution of high-ranking politician and officials, and reform of the public administration.

Albania’s Prime Minister Edi Rama has in the past expressed frustration at what some see as an ideological opposition to the country’s European future. Earlier this year the Dutch Parliament declared opposition specifically to Albania’s membership. Yet public support for the EU among Albanians remains strong. An IPSOS poll published this year found that more than 92% of those questioned were in favour of EU membership, although 58% believed “they don’t like us”.

« The joint letter of the four presidents has been very much welcomed and appreciated, » said Albania’s EU Ambassador Suela Janina. « As rightly emphasised in the letter it is the time to make a strategic choice, which would be beneficial for our countries, the region of the Western Balkans and Europe as a whole. »

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The European Week of Regions and Cities is an annual four-day event during which cities and regions showcase their capacity to create growth and jobs, implement European Union cohesion policy, and prove the importance of the local and regional level for good European governance. This year the event will host more than 6000 people and 600 speakers of 70 countries.

The event was created in 2003 when the European Committee of the Regions invited Brussels-based local and regional representations to the European Union to open their doors to visitors simultaneously. One year later the European Commission’s DG for Regional Policy also joined the adventure.

Developing from the initial concept, the event has become a European networking platform for experts in regional and local development. Exchange of good practice in economic development and social inclusion, cross-border cooperation, public-private partnerships, regional innovation and community-led local development have become some of its many topics.

Over the years, the event has grown into the key event on EU Regional Policy. It welcomes some 6.000 participants in October each year (local, regional, national and European decision-makers and experts) for more than 100 workshops and debates, exhibitions and networking opportunities.

In addition to the Brussels-based workshops, local events are run from September to November all over Europe.

The European Week of Regions and Cities and its workshops, debates and networking activities are addressed to:

• members of the European Committee of the Regions, members of the European Parliament and national, regional and local politicians
• European, national, regional and local government officials and experts in the field of managing and evaluating cohesion policy programs
• representatives of private companies, financial institutions and European and national associations
• journalists from European, national, regional and local media outlets
• researchers, PhD or masters students and practitioners in the field of European regional and urban policy

Every year, also a number of side events take place around the event in Brussels. Side event organisers are responsible for their event and its organisation.

Find more information and the whole program of the event here.

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After the elections Kyuchyuk said, “Unless Turkey plays an active role in the Syrian refugee crisis, the crisis would cause worse serious consequences than today. However, relations should not only be limited to the refugees but cooperation also should be economically and culturally improved. Turkey also plays a significant role in NATO and the Balkans. In this context, enabling good contact with Turkey, and engaging in principled work will also benefit for the European Union.”

« It is not possible to be insensitive to Turkey for me. Turkey is Bulgaria’s borders. Also, almost 1 million of our compatriots live in Turkey. Therefore, Turkey is a friendly nation for us. If relations improve and the frequency of visits increases, Europeans do not treat Turkish citizens as foreigners. On the contrary, I believe they will see them as European citizens because Turkish people are Europeans who believe in democracy. To achieve this, we will work on visa liberalization. In the matter of improving economic relations, we will endeavor to update the Customs Union.” Kyuchyuk went on.

« There have been mutual damages in our relationship. Nevertheless, I’m hopeful about the future. In the next five years, I wish to establish powerful and sustainable relations in the Parliament, the Commission, and the Council through foreseeing administrations, » he concluded.

Considering the strategic importance of Turkey for the European Union, this is an important forum that brings together elected representatives from the European and Turkish legislatures. In addition to this, the European Parliament’s delegation to the EU-Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee maintains contacts with Turkish civil society. Through its regular meetings in Strasbourg and Brussels, the delegation provides a forum for a variety of voices on Turkey – those of researchers and officials, business representatives and ordinary citizens – to be heard.

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The company was founded in 2007 and advertises dairy and agricultural products. A recent campaign of their aroused suspicion for the Brussel’s prosecutors office. They suspect that half of the funds came from European subsidies, a large part of which were paid to a private account.

According to information from Belgian news outlet De Tijd, the DG of Agriculture had previously decided to allocate 7.7 million Euros to Agropromotion. However, for the time being the amount that has not been delivered is frozen.

The prosecutors office has confirmed: « We confirm that a file has been opened at the Brussels prosecutor’s office for forgery, money laundering, active and passive bribery and criminal organization against eight people. »

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I recently received a mail from Aisha al-Gaddafi, the only daughter of Libya’s former dictator. We didn’t know each other, and yet Mrs Gaddafi wrote very confidently that she would entrust $27.5 million to me if I’d help her to invest the money in my country. She would reward me with a handsome commission of thirty per cent of this sum. She requested that I get in touch with her as a matter of urgency.

I didn’t believe that Mrs Gaddafi personally had written to me, of course. It wasn’t the first time I’d been contacted like this, after all. You’ve probably received a similar missive at least once in your life – in the past as a letter, for a brief time by fax, and for some time now by email. It’s the set-up for a con.

Nigerians call this a “419” after the relevant paragraph of their country’s criminal code. Someone writes to you, claiming to have access to gigantic sums of (misappropriated) money. That someone would like you to help him or her to get this cash out of Nigeria (or Russia or Brazil or some other country). Enterprising Nigerians send out millions of these mails, and if a recipient falls for their trick, they ask for some modest administrative payments to grease the wheels for the big windfall. Agree to a face-to-face meeting with one of these shysters and they’ll lead you a merry dance.

Europeans usually talk or write about 419 cases as an example of the tremendous corruption in countries such as Nigeria, expressing a mixture of indignation and amusement. Less frequently mentioned is the behaviour of the con’s targets, who are generally regarded as victims despite in fact being accomplices. How do the senders of these mails come up with the seemingly fanciful idea of enticing someone in Europe with absurd tales of gold and gemstones? The sting works only because it’s clear to both parties that Nigerians, Libyans or Iraqis are handing over their dirty money to a “whiter-than-white” European to look after and launder. No one is surprised by how obvious it seems that Europeans are blindly trusted to guard the grubbed millions.

This is clearly one of our jobs under the global division of labour. Other people steal, we fence; one dollar washes the other. Every 419 email is a sign that corruption in the global South is only possible because the stolen money eventually ends up somewhere here, be it London or Zurich, Cyprus or Liechtenstein.

And yet we’re appalled by the scale of corruption in the South. Around $50 billion is embezzled every year in the world’s poorest countries. Capital flees to the North. It isn’t quite as easy to designate who’s responsible for the basic tone of globalized capitalism as many of us would like to think. Transparency International, for example, thinks that Somalia is the most corrupt country on earth, whereas the renowned Italian journalist Roberto Saviano, who has been studying mafia-style organizations for decades, is of the opinion that Great Britain is the most corrupt state in the world (London has degenerated into a playground for international crooks).

Transparency and Saviano are both right, but as citizens of Europe, we need to take a look at our own schizophrenia. We demand good governance and launder dirty money – both at once, with our hearts in the sky and our fat arses on the couch of complacency.

In late eighteenth century Edinburgh there lived a man named William Brodie, an elegant gentleman who ran a cabinetmaker’s shop and was respected by his fellow citizens. By day he served on the city council and reliably fulfilled his clients’ orders; by night he would break into his customers’ houses and rob them , until one day he was arrested and executed.

William Brodie would be long forgotten if Robert Louis Stevenson hadn’t seen in him an extreme symbol of a disturbing human trait – the split personality. Stevenson wrote about Brodie three times. His first two attempts were plays that flopped, the third – a fast-paced novella called The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde – became a bestseller.

“I was born in the year 18— to a large fortune, endowed besides with excellent parts, inclined by nature to industry, fond of the respect of the wise and good among my fellow-men, and thus, as might have been supposed, with every guarantee of an honourable and distinguished future.” Thus begins Dr Jekyll’s confession in the final chapter of the book. He is an eminent doctor – a man who heals people, who prizes education and knowledge, and a prominent member of society.

At the same time, however, he is the callous and brutal epitome of blind greed, a man by the name of Mr Hyde.

There is no Dr Jekyll on the one hand and Mr Hyde on the other, but a creature that was “committed to a profound duplicity of life.” Also: “I saw that of the two natures that contended in the field of my consciousness, even if I could rightly be said to be either, it was only because I was radically both. »

Dr Jekyll is neither innocent nor naïve nor blind. He recognizes the enemy within, and he would dearly love to vanquish him. Eventually, though, he gives up the fight.

A direct line can be drawn between this story and the present. What is true of individuals can also hold for societies as a whole. Europe – or, to be more precise, the European Union – is Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde.

In 2017 the president of the European Commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, expressed horror at the state of refugee camps in Libya. “I can’t sleep easy when I think about what’s happening to those people who went to Libya to try and improve their lives, only to find themselves in hell.” Europe must not “be silent in the face of this outrageous problem, which dates back to another century”. He was “very shocked” by reports that refugees in Libya were being sold as slaves. “I didn’t know until two months ago the full extent of the problem. It’s become a constant, urgent situation.”

It’s easy to understand Juncker’s horror. In Libya thirty refugees or so are packed into cells measuring less than five square metres, and they’re starving because they’re only fed every three days. According to a report by the NGO Doctors without Borders, their living conditions have been getting steadily worse. Almost a quarter of the inmates in Sabaa prison in Tripoli, the capital, are apparently undernourished, many of them children.

The International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that there are currently around 670,000 refugees in Libya. The German embassy in Niger wrote to the German Chancellery back in 2017, describing what happened to refugees who were sent back across the Mediterranean: “Executions of migrants who cannot pay, torture, rape, blackmail and abandonment in the desert are a daily occurrence. Eye witnesses spoke of five shootings per week in one of the prisons – these were pre-announced and always took place on Friday to free up space for newcomers.”

A study by the Women’s Refugee Commission concludes that virtually every woman who flees via Libya falls victim to sexual violence. Survivors report being raped with sticks, genitals being burnt, penises cut off, and men forced to rape their sisters. Unimaginable atrocities, and all within the past two years.

So what has Juncker done to bring an end to such dreadful circumstances?

Nothing.

What could he have done?

Many things.

That’s because what’s happening in Libya is taking place not only with the EU’s acquiescence but even with direct funding from the bloc, since Libyan border guards are meant to use all available means to prevent refugees from escaping. If refugees endure terrible conditions and die in Libya, this is a direct consequence of a targeted EU policy.

However, it would be wrong to accuse advocates of this policy, like Jean-Claude Juncker, of hypocrisy. His outrage was undoubtedly sincere. He is an heir to the European tradition that has promulgated universal ideals of solidarity around the world since the French Revolution, abolished slavery and played a decisive role in drafting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Dr Jekyll puts his finger on this conundrum: “Though so profound a double-dealer, I was in no sense a hypocrite; both sides of me were in dead earnest; I was no more myself when I laid aside restraint and plunged in shame, than when I laboured, in the eye of day, at the furtherance of knowledge or the relief of sorrow and suffering.”

The EU declares that it “supports national authorities to improve their capacity to fight traffickers”. In actual fact, though, the distinction between the Libyan authorities and the gangs of people smugglers is somewhat blurred.

“European governments and institutions keep saying that they advocate the end of arbitrary detention of refugees and migrants, but they have not taken any decisive action to ensure this would happen,” said Matteo De Bellis of Amnesty International.

European politicians talk like Dr Jekyll and act like Mr Hyde. The German international development minister, Gerd Müller, drafts repeated plans for saving the world, but little good has come about during his time in in office.

The minister would like western societies to fundamentally change their lifestyles. “We should no longer derive our prosperity from slave and child labour and exploiting our environment.” In his book Unfair he writes: “We must reach a state that allows every person on the planet to live in dignity. The goal is to satisfy everyone’s basic needs of food, water, shelter and work at last, and for the industrialized countries, which have already acquired these material goods, this means we must learn to share. In the long term there must not and will not be any further growth at the expense of others.”

In a speech in honour of the Catholic aid agency Misereor a year ago, he declared: “Instead of ‘I take pity’ we should now say, “I take responsibility” for those things that are in my power. And we have power! As consumers. As businesses producing around the world. As policymakers of great economic powers.”

He went on to quote Cardinal Frings’s challenge to appeal to the consciences of those who shape political, economic and social conditions. That is all very honourable: Minister Jekyll is formulating a clear ethical mission, which every single one of us senses in defining moments. My daughter learned at school that a prosperous Swiss citizen uses as many resources as a whole African village. If we were on a raft, such parasitic and anti-social behaviour would not be tolerated.

Real-life politics is different, though. Every international body prevents indispensable reforms to the global economic and financial system. There have been attempts at various administrative levels of the United Nations over the past four decades to link economic conduct and human rights, and approve binding rules. Most recently, the Intergovernmental Working Group (IGWG) on transnational corporations and human rights published a draft agreement on business and human rights a year ago. This “zero draft” – so-called to show that it is provisional and amendable – was the result of years of haggling between the participants. It will now be “discussed” – a euphemism for the neutering of any strict and legally binding restrictions on the often brutal, and almost always exploitative, actions of international companies in poorer countries.

In parallel, the efforts of the global South to be admitted to the OECD-dominated international tax policy committee were vetoed by the North including Germany. That would have been “to increase the fiscal opportunities of poorer countries to determine international regulatory measures, e.g. shutting down tax havens, fighting tax evasion and combating competition for tax dumping.”
As recently as two decades ago, debt relief for the poorest countries was a high-profile political issue. All that stood in the way of writing off developing countries’ debts was the greed and selfishness of industrialized countries. Nowadays, these countries tooth and nail to defend their advantages. When Cyclone Idai recently devastated parts of Mozambique, the heart-rending appeals for debt relief fell on deaf ears. According to IMF statistics, Mozambique is one of the thirty-five states that find themselves in an existential debt crisis. The country is behind with its payments and incapable of servicing its outstanding debts.

Whenever money is involved or “our” prosperity under threat, Mr Hyde rears his ugly head and sabotages the struggle for human dignity and a good life for all.

Instead of binding rules, the EU and the German government (including Minister Müller) opt for voluntary schemes for environmental and social standards.

A year ago I drove for two hours solid through the north of Borneo and as far as the eye could see on either side of the road there was nothing but oil palms where jungle flourished only a generation ago. The view: chemically fuelled monoculture, and growth that leads to death (after two decades the soils are completely exhausted). The Amsterdam Declarations now encourage traders, agricultural companies and food businesses that have contributed to the unique destruction of nature over several decades to voluntarily commit to more stringent standards as part of multi-stakeholder platforms, and to put their business models on a more sustainable footing. There is only one drawback to this old idea – it doesn’t work.

Mr Hyde is particularly rampant in agriculture. Although the latest World Agriculture Report appeals for a radical change in global farming, the EU and its most powerful member states continue to push for the expansion of industrial agriculture complete with intensive use of fertilizers, pesticides and patented seeds. This principally serves the interests and profits of the agricultural corporations involved, while sustainable agro-ecological farming methods barely get a look in.

One could tear one’s hair out over this deep-rooted schizophrenia, but there are also signs of hope. Slavery was as much a fact of late-eighteenth-century life as container ships are today. When small groups in Britain began to question its legitimacy, their ethical beliefs were dismissed because the transatlantic slave trade was immensely profitable for the United Kingdom. It provided jobs, it allowed fortunes to be made and it guaranteed the flow of consumer goods. This was sufficient justification. It’s the same situation today regarding glaring social inequalities and environmental destruction. Mr Hyde’s arguments die hard. And yet fifty years of political struggle finally resulted in the abolition of slavery in Europe.

That too is part of the European tradition. In Crisis in Civilisation, Rabindranath Tagore’s forceful indictment of British rule in India, the poet endeavours to distinguish between resistance to imperialism and a rejection of western civilisation. On the one hand, India was “smothered under the dead weight of British administration”; on the other hand, it should never forget what the country had gained through Shakespeare’s drama and Byron’s poetry and above all “the large-hearted liberalism of the nineteenth-century English politics”. The tragic aspect, however, was that “that which was truly best in their own civilisations, the upholding of the dignity of human relationships, has no place in the British administration of this country”.

It is no secret that the tale of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde ends badly. Robert Louis Stevenson, that well-travelled Scot, encapsulated Europe’s dual nature with remarkable prescience: “Henry Jekyll stood at times aghast before the acts of Edward Hyde; but the situation was apart from ordinary laws, and insidiously relaxed the grasp of conscience. It was Hyde, after all, and Hyde alone, that was guilty. Jekyll was no worse; he woke again to his good qualities seemingly unimpaired; he would even make haste, where it was possible, to undo the evil done by Hyde. And thus his conscience slumbered.”

The post « Great Britain is the most corrupt state in the world » — An open letter to Europe by Ilija Trojanow appeared first on Brussels Express.

Dear President Juncker,

As has happened repeatedly since the decision was taken to ignore the European Parliament’s call for the overhaul of the Dublin Regulation, the fate of wretched people rescued at sea is being exploited for political purposes by governments and is the subject of disagreements between them. Every time a vessel reaches European waters, the same scene is repeated and the same rhetoric is spouted. The latest case involves the Open Arms, a boat with 121 people on board, which has nowhere to go.

The work the Commission has done in coming to the assistance of the Member States in such cases in recent years has been admirable, and entirely in keeping with the values underpinning the Union and international agreements. This time, however, there is no suggestion that assistance will be forthcoming.

According to press reports, the people on board include 31 minors, among them Ethiopian twins only nine months old, and women whose bodies bear the indelible marks of violence and mistreatment.

If the European Union were to remain indifferent to their fate, it would be piling suffering on top of suffering, and I am sure that this is not what the guardians of the European Treaties believe in their hearts to be right. ln recent years, a lot has been asked of the Commission you lead and the commitment to human welfare it has repeatedly demonstrated has done much to restore our sense of identity as Europeans.

At a time when self-interest seems to be the norm, we must do our duty to the full. I am convinced that your awareness of what is at stake and Commissioner Avaramopoulos’s commitment to helping refugees will ensure that you are up to the task of dealing with this emergency as well, by coordinating prompt humanitarian intervention and arranging for the fair distribution of the migrants.

I am aware that any response to this request for humanitarian assistance must be voluntary. The situation is serious and calls for immediate action, not least because, as you know both intellectually and emotionally, the poor cannot wait. As it has done so many times, the European Parliament will support you in your efforts.

Let us do it, Mr President, for Hortensia, the woman who, in trying to escape her tormentor, had petrol thrown over her and was set on fire.

If Europe cannot protect that woman and her companions who have set out in search of a better life, it will mean that it has lost its soul, as well as its heart.

Best regards,
David Maria SASSOLI

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