During this 5-day training course, the heart of Europe became a hands-on classroom for aspiring lobbyists and policy professionals. Under the theme « Mastering EU Influence: Practical Lobbying and Networking in Brussels, » this unique program was organised for the fourth time by EPHEC lecturers Pascal Goergen and Katrien Bostyn, with support from the EU’s Erasmus+ programme.

International weeks like this one, typically five days long and hosted by European universities, are designed to bring together students from partner institutions around a central theme. This year’s focus – Lobbying and Networking in the EU – was both timely and ambitious.

The week began with a “field visit” inside the EU Quarter. Students set off on a scavenger hunt of sorts, identifying major EU institutions and associations, and even spotting key players by the badges they wore. The tour included insider visits to the European Parliament, the European Commission, and the Committee of the Regions, each offering interactive presentations by experts working inside the institutions.

But perhaps the highlight came with a special visit to the iconic Press Club Brussels Europe. There, students attended exclusive talks from seasoned lobbyists including Paul Cartuyvels, Executive Director at Bouygues Europe, and Inma Valencia, Director of the Cantabria Regional Office. A networking lunch followed, giving participants a rare opportunity to connect with professionals in an informal setting.

For many, the experience was more than just educational—it was transformational. “I’ve always dreamed of working in EU institutions,” said one participant. “This week brought me closer to that goal.” Even for local students from Brussels, the experience proved revelatory. “I walk past these buildings every day,” another shared, “but I never realized what really happens inside.”

The academic challenge of the week revolved around a creative case study: crafting a lobbying strategy to promote a regional cheese in Brussels’ complex institutional landscape. Students were grouped across cultures and disciplines, encouraging rich collaboration. A dedicated workshop on intercultural communication gave them the tools to navigate team dynamics and work effectively together.

Despite the tight timeline, the students’ final presentations on the last day revealed sharp insights, strategic thinking, and above all—a newfound confidence in navigating EU influence.

For EPHEC and its European academic partners, the event marked another successful edition of a growing tradition. For the students, it may have been the first step into the corridors of European power.

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She was identified as being a danger to Polish national security, something that she denies. It has, however, been reported that access to a certain part of her case file must be refused on the grounds that it contains secret information, the disclosure of which “would cause serious damage to the Republic of Poland”.

The following morning, Ms. Kozlovska, was deported to Kyiv. But she still has the right to reside in Poland, on the basis of her marriage to Bartosz Kramek, the Head of ODF’s foundation board and a Polish citizen, who also holds Ukrainian and Russian passports.

On July 27th 2017, Kramek published an article entitled “Let the State Come to a Stop: Let’s Shut Down the Government!” In this, he proposed actions such as the refusal of citizens to pay taxes. This was published under the auspices of the ODF, an unusual activity for a human rights NGO.

The article was published again in English, on August 25th 2018.

A call for the overthrow of the government is something that would attract the immediate attention of the security forces in any country.

But this is not the only activity that Ms. Kozlovska and the ODF have engaged in what might be considered out of character for a human rights NGO. The ODF briefly held a licence allowing the foundation to supply military equipment into Eastern Ukraine, (although this licence was promptly revoked by the authorities). The licence, it has been reported, was issued on the authority of a senior official who has subsequently been investigated for possible collusion with Russian Federal Security services (FSB).

Somewhat out of character is paragraph 14, sub-paragraph 31, of the foundation’s statute which allows it to undertake « Gambling and betting activities”. The sources of funding for ODF have always been a subject of concern to the the Polish authorities. It has emerged that the ODF has received donations from Igoria Trade, a company behind an internet-based currency exchange site, and the Cyprus-based Banerco Ltd., a significant player in the world of online casinos and bookmakers.

The murky world of online gambling, and the currency exchange firms that can generally be found operating alongside them, are allegedly associated with large-scale money laundering.

This may be a coincidence but in the course of its human rights work, ODF’s most prominent clients – and possibly financial backers – all appear to have one thing in common: they have outstanding arrest and extradition warrants, and in some cases criminal convictions, for money laundering.

Take the case of Mukhtar Ablyazov, “the world’s richest fraudster” according to the UK press.

Accused of embezzling $7.6 billion from Kazakhstan’s BTA Bank, he has a 20 year jail sentence awaiting him when he eventually returns to his home country; a 22 month sentence outstanding in the UK for contempt of court. He has already spent a couple of years languishing in a French prison and is facing litigation in the USA. Indeed, the High Court of England and Wales has recently suggested that his money may have been laundered by a criminal associate, Ilyas Khrapunov, who along with his father Viktor, is represented by the ODF, through Donald Trump properties in the USA.

There is also evidence that ODF has received donations from a company associated with Ms. Kozlovska’s brother, and which has supplied military equipment to the Russian navy. ODF is connected, albeit tenuously here, with the supply of military equipment.

There is another thread that runs through the saga of the ODF and its activities – that of “political persecution”.

The alleged money launderers mentioned above – and not all those involved with the foundation are named in this article – are represented by the ODF as “political opponents” of  “oppressive” states and “defenders of democracy”. On her detention at Brussels airport on August 13th Ms. Kozlovska claimed that she was a victim of the political persecution of her husband.

At the present time it is not known if Ms. Kozlovska may lose her right of residence in Poland. She has managed to gain access to both Germany and Belgium since her expulsion, through visas issued with the assistance of European politicians, most notably German MEP Rebecca Harms, and former Belgian Prime Minister and currently MEP Guy Verhofstadt.

But the issuing of such visas undermines the integrity of the Schengen Information System, something that would appeal to the broader strategy of the Kremlin.

Ms. Kozlovska will be keen to regain access to Belgium, where her Foundation has offices. But, such has been the controversy over ODF’s activities recently that the future does not look good for her continued lobbying activities in Brussels.

The post The curious case of the Brussels lobbyist: the expulsion of Lyudmyla Kozlovska from the Schengen zone appeared first on Brussels Express.

One solution would be that the European Union pays more and more attention to private, public and academic actors in its 300 regions: they are the ones who can blow wind in the sails of the European boat. They are to be considered more than only stakeholders or administrative authorities that are there just to apply regulations dictated from the top. All those local and regional key players are the driving force behind Europe. Every single city or region has its own potential and assets; every region has its own economic champion, be it the SMEs or actors in the fields of research and innovation, in cutting-edge industries, in tourism or gastronomy.

From a Europe of the regions in the years 1985-2000 to a Europe with the regions (2010), it is of the utmost importance to now go further and progress towards a Europe of local and regional growth actors. This is where the bonds between citizens and Europe will be strengthened anew: concrete projects which do not come from the top but are born from the initiatives of key socioeconomic actors in each of the European regions. The goal must be to promote the local and regional levels so that the national or federal ones can build again the trust citizens have towards Europe.

More or less 240 local and regional authorities are represented in different ways in Brussels either through their own individual representation, through their association with other regions or through their integration within structures of Member State representations. More than 1,000 people are working every day in Brussels to promote their entities and defend their interests on several domains (structural funds, tourism, innovation, etc). Legally, only Member States are contractual parties to the European Union.

Yet, despite this, it is obvious that cities and regions have more and more interests in European issues. Regions and cities are today more than “hidden actors” in the EU debates. I already explained it in 2010 (see AER report on regionalism) how the “regional dimension” has evolved in 25 years, and how regions and cities have established their presence in Brussels, making the Brussels-Capital Region the World capital of local & regional lobbying. Together with all the regions, cities and regional networks present or represented in Brussels, we will come back to this topic in the new Brussels-Express section: Regions & Cities in Brussels.

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Tell us a bit about yourself and how the idea to be involved in disability issues came to mind.

I am 27 years-old, was born in Metz (France) and have studied Public law and EU law in Metz, Strasbourg and Warsaw on a 6-year course. I was suddenly subject to a CVA in February 2015. I suffered from aphasia and I was hemiperatic, which means I was partially paralysed (on the right side) and I could not speak anymore (both English and French). I was subject to re-education for one year and a half, which actually still goes on. It enabled me to speak again, but my right hand cannot move yet.

I have wanted to set up a website or a blog to sensitise the people to disability for a while. I aim to convince all the disabled people, especially the youngest ones, that life still goes on, although it requires a permanent determination. I finally made it in October 2017.

The website is called sadapter.eu and you can find interviews with MEPs and French public figures. I also aim to conduct interviews with French associations or stakeholders.

I will soon launch an organisation to reach my personal goals. I firstly aim to keep on having interviews both with famous and anonymous people. My second goal is to buy a van and travel across Europe to sensitise people to disability. I will of course have a stop in Belgium, where I have lived for one year and a half, and I’ll also pop down at the European Parliament to lobby some MEPs. I am dreaming about taking a picture with my van on the Simon Weil esplanade, in front of the European Parliament.

What is your vision of accessibility for disabled people in Brussels?

Brussels is the capital of the EU and it therefore should care about all the disabilities. I used to live in Ixelles along the Tram 81. I was able to take it, although it was quite hard, but this is not the case for the more disabled people.

Most of the trams (on the line 81) are old and have three stairs. There is also no platform to access the modern trams, which means no tram for disabled. I have met up with a Brusselian MP who recognised the non-accessibility of the trams. She has, however, not been able to act yet. Buses are accessible to disabled though.

Could you talk about European initiatives on disability?

First of all, directive of accessibility has been voted by the European Parliament in September 2017, which states all the products and services should be accessible to disabled people. For example, cash machines should be designed in a way to be accessible. There are Erasmus+ funds to provide projects with money.The European Disability Forum, a Brussels-based organisation, also pilots initiatives.

Do you think the EU institutions are a good example for integration and accessibility?

I think the European Parliament has a significant weight with regard to disabled. Some MEPs are deaf or are subject to other disabilities. I have met with some of them, such as Marek Plura (Polish) or Helga Stevens (Belgian). I have also met up with Sylvie Guillaume, Edouard Martin or Brando Benifei, who fight for better integration or accessibility.

The post Does society care enough about disabled people? appeared first on Brussels Express.

Pascal Goergen is Secretary-General of the Federation of Regional Actors in Europe (FEDRA) and Professor at the EPHEC University College in Brussels. As a former Secretary General of the Assembly of European Regions and former diplomatic Representative of the Brussels-Capital Region to the EU, Pascal spent a lot of time within the institutions and observed the effective methods of lobbying, which lead him to write his new book, Lobbying & Networking in Brussels. After his first book, Networking in Brussels, Pascal chose to expand on his literature to show the nuanced interactions that networking and lobbying share.

What are lobbying and networking?

Coined lobbying due to the initial practice of waiting in the lobby of government buildings for a chance to speak to legislators. Lobbying is where someone, usually on behalf of an organisation, meets with legislators to influence them to pass legislation in their interests. This can include anything from lowering mobile phone roaming rates to passing agricultural bills.

Networking, within this perspective, is where you seek to broaden your lists of contacts with people who could provide you with beneficial resources or connections to help you in your lobbying pursuits.

Using them together

« Lobbying can’t exist without an efficient network. » says Pascal. Choosing to focus his book on the lobbying and networking in Brussels, Pascal views the interactions in « The Brussels Bubble » as key to efficiently lobby.

To be given the opportunity to meet people informally and state your purpose could be the precursor to gauging the situation with the legislator and then to tailor your approach with a more refined and measured tactic.

Issues with networking and lobbying

However, it is through this method that lobbying often gets its negative connotations. Ideas of shadow lobbying where private influencers can determine public legislation have many people sceptical on the idea of lobbying. « But ordinary people lobby every day. Even as a child, when you try to convince your parents to play outside instead of doing your homework, you’re lobbying, » says Pascal.

To combat this, The European Union set up a transparency register so citizens could view the ongoing dealings between companies and legislators. However, due to the dynamics between lobbying and networking, often, companies could further their relations with legislators outside of official buildings as the networking events within the Brussels bubble could still expose them to outside influence.

Good to Know

• Lobbying and Networking in Brussels – 20€ – available at Librebook

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